PEOPLE everywhere associate revolution in the twentieth century
with the dramatic events that occurred in Russia during World
War I. But there occurred a still greater revolution of which
most people are unaware. This was a revolution more gradual, more
subtle, and more far-reaching in its consequences. It was a revolution
in government fiscal policy, which not only has underwritten the
socialist developments in this century by the revenues it has
provided the state, but has further promoted these developments
through the debilitation and demoralization of personal enterprise
that has followed.
The power of any government to make paternalism seem practical,
and thus insidiously to socialize the economy, lies entirely in
the belief that it can and does issue money. This is the foundation
error from which all socialistic projects receive their unsuspected
sustenance. To attribute to government the power to issue money,
makes of it an apparent fountain of wealth that strikes the ground
from under all opposition to the welfare state. If government
has the power to issue real money, what can possibly be wrong
with paternalism and the socialistic ideology?
The practice of deficit financing seductively turns the minds
of the people from the economic means of attainment to the political.
For, obviously, when government can continuously take out without
putting in, it strengthens itself and commensurately weakens personal
enterprise, with the result that the people develop a growing
respect for and dependence upon government and a contempt for
enervated personal enterprise. This conditions them for progressive
socialization and dictatorship. The secret of this process lies
overwhelmingly in the Government's power to dilute the money stream.
Ideologies have little to do with it; they are an accompaniment
more than a cause.
This revolutionary shift in government finance has come about,
in the United States, since 1931. Here is the historic record
of war deficit financing and of subsequent debt reduction:
|
Total Deficit |
Reduced to |
By |
REVOLUTIONARY WAR |
$75 millions |
$ 45 millions |
1812 |
WAR OF 1812 |
127 millions |
0 |
1836 |
CIVIL W AR |
2.8 billions |
961 millions |
1893 |
FIRST WORLD WAR |
25.5 billions |
16 billions |
1930 |
It is evident that the Government's traditional practice was
to run deficits under the stress of war and to reduce them during
the succeeding peace. Government money issue power was therefore
curbed by fiscal policy. The creation of money was normally the
function of private businessmen, and the banking system remained
largely the servant of personal enterprise. In the depression
year of 1931, however, peacetime deficits were instituted for
the first time. Soon thereafter, the policy was adopted of treating
the depression as a war and ameliorating it by public borrowing
and lending and spending. These deficits, greatly expanded during
World War II, have become an established habit that constitutes
a veritable politico-economic revolution. Credit is now controlled
by the Government, the banks are but branches of the Treasury,
and deficit financing is established policy.
Such a policy by a government is, in all innocence, the beginning
of a process which culminates in communism, which is but the receiver
for bankrupted personal enterprise. By issuing monetary units,
government acquires the people's labor and substance, and gives
them nothing in return. Simultaneously, exchange, upon which personal
enterprise depends, is destabilized, and by this sabotaging process
the people, in desperation, are finally compelled to petition
the government to go into the production and distribution of the
necessities of life. In other words, the process of issuing monetary
units, without giving anything in exchange for them, ultimately
brings a public demand that the government return something for
its issue. With this, the people petition themselves into communism.
For when government enters production and distribution, free exchange
and, therewith, all freedom, ends.
Lenin reputedly said, "the surest way to overturn the social
order is to debauch the currency." Certainly a major instrument
of the Bolshevik revolution was the extensive counterfeiting of
the Czar's currency with this objective in mind. This deliberate
policy is memorialized in the following curious passage translated
from the Russian:
"I would like to dedicate this imperfect work of mine
to the one who, by the perfection of his own work and its unbounded
abundance gave me the impulse to write these pages. I refer
to the printing press of the People's Commissariat of Finance.
The revolutionary government of France managed to exist and
to wage war thanks to paper issues; the 'assignats' saved the
Great French Revolution. The paper money of the Soviet Republic
supported the Soviet Government in its most difficult moments,
when there was no possibility of paying for the civil war out
of direct tax receipts. Glory to the printing press! To be sure,
its days are numbered now but it has accomplished three quarters
of the task. In the archives of the great proletarian revolution,
alongside the modern guns, rifles, and machine guns which mowed
down the enemies of the proletariat, an honorary place will
be occupied by that machine gun of the People's Commissariat
of Finance which attacked the bourgeois regime in its rear—its
monetary system—by converting the bourgeois economic law
of money circulation into a means of destruction of that same
regime and into a source of financing the revolution."*
* Preobrazhensky, Eugeny A., Bumazhnyeden'gi
v epokhu Proletarskoi dictatury [English translation: Paper
Money During the Proletarian Dictatorship.] Moscow, State Publishing
House, 1920, page 4.
Money, the hated device of capitalism, was found, however, to
be indispensable to progress, and since the revolution, the dictators
of Russia have been trying to restore this instrument of the social
order. Thus they have been forced into the position of trying
to regain the principal instrument of capitalism—without
too obviously retreating from their ideology. In frustration they
have turned to robbing their neighbors under the pretense of “liberation”
and “democracy.”
The non-communist governments, while innocent of any intent to
destroy their monetary systems, are nonetheless proceeding by
gradual steps to attain the same ends that the communists did
by plan—and the means of accomplishment is the same, namely,
counterfeiting, albeit of the legalized variety. Thus are the
non-communist governments proceeding blindly toward collapse.
The communist governments, for their part, are striving to avert
collapse by desperate attempts to steal that which the former
in their ignorance are sabotaging. Hence the capitalism vs.
communism confrontation is false. It is a fog obscuring the
real issue, which is fiscal policy. The real issue is between
counterfeit and genuine money.
Socialization, which now threatens every nation in the world
and is really unwanted in every nation, is being forced upon every
people and every government as the result of deficit financing,
which is the Lorelei of the do-gooder politician. She promises
relief to the distressed without cost to anyone. This illusion,
once accepted, requires more courage to renounce than the politician
can muster, and thus the ship of state is led to the rocks. I
see no escape but for the people to declare the separation of
money and state, and thus forever end unbalanced budgets with
their impulsion to socialization and interference with personal
rights.
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